Showing posts with label POLICE. Show all posts
Showing posts with label POLICE. Show all posts

Sunday, 18 October 2026

🌍 WHAT IF WE REINVENTED PROTEST?

ET SI NOUS RÉINVENTIONS LES MANIFESTATIONS ?

Manifester en masse, sans détruire, sans blesser, sans mourir… et sans être ignorés.

Chaque année, dans de nombreux pays, des millions de personnes descendent dans la rue pour exprimer leur colère, dénoncer des injustices, défendre leurs droits ou réclamer un changement politique.

Leurs revendications sont parfois légitimes, parfois controversées, mais elles ont toutes un point commun : des citoyens veulent faire entendre leur voix.

Pourtant, une question mérite aujourd'hui d'être posée :

Et si la manière traditionnelle de manifester avait atteint ses limites ?

Depuis des décennies, nous assistons au même scénario. Une mobilisation commence, les rues se remplissent, les slogans retentissent. Les manifestants espèrent être entendus par leurs dirigeants.

Mais, trop souvent, la journée se termine par des affrontements, des vitrines brisées, des commerces pillés, des voitures incendiées, des bâtiments dégradés et des blessés. Dans les situations les plus graves, des personnes perdent même la vie.

Et après ?

Les revendications initiales passent parfois au second plan. Les médias consacrent une grande partie de leur couverture aux violences, aux dégâts matériels, aux affrontements avec les forces de l'ordre et aux conséquences sur la circulation.

Les responsables politiques, eux aussi, peuvent finir par se concentrer davantage sur le rétablissement de l'ordre que sur les raisons qui ont poussé les citoyens à manifester.

Le résultat est paradoxal : ceux qui voulaient être entendus risquent de voir leur message étouffé par les événements mêmes qui accompagnent leur mobilisation.

Alors, pourquoi ne pas envisager une autre voie ?

🔴 Quand les dégâts éclipsent les revendications

Il faut avoir le courage de regarder la réalité en face.

Lorsqu'une manifestation dégénère, les conséquences dépassent largement les images diffusées aux informations.

Derrière une vitrine brisée, il y a parfois un commerçant qui a travaillé toute sa vie pour construire son activité.

Derrière un magasin pillé, il y a des marchandises volées, des salariés inquiets pour leur emploi et des familles qui dépendent de cette activité.

Derrière une voiture incendiée, il peut y avoir le véhicule d'une personne qui en a besoin pour aller travailler, accompagner ses enfants ou se rendre à l'hôpital.

Derrière un bâtiment dégradé, il y a des réparations coûteuses, souvent financées indirectement par la collectivité.

Et derrière chaque blessure, il y a une personne, une famille et parfois des conséquences durables.

Les manifestants pacifiques peuvent être victimes de violences. Les forces de l'ordre peuvent également être blessées. Des passants, des riverains et des personnes qui n'ont rien à voir avec le mouvement peuvent se retrouver pris au milieu des affrontements.

Dans les cas les plus dramatiques, des vies sont perdues.

Aucune revendication, aussi importante soit-elle, ne devrait nous faire oublier la valeur d'une vie humaine.

Il faut également distinguer les responsabilités : tous les manifestants ne sont pas violents, et la présence de casseurs ne rend pas illégitime l'ensemble d'un mouvement. Mais les conséquences de ces violences sont bien réelles et ne peuvent être ignorées.

Pourquoi accepter que la défense d'une cause puisse se transformer en une succession de destructions qui finissent par détourner l'attention de cette même cause ?

Pourquoi laisser ceux qui cassent, pillent et brûlent occuper le devant de la scène, alors que des milliers de citoyens sont venus exprimer pacifiquement leurs inquiétudes ?

Il est temps de nous poser ces questions.

🟠 Le paradoxe des manifestations traditionnelles

La manifestation de rue est un droit fondamental dans de nombreuses démocraties. Elle a joué un rôle historique essentiel dans la conquête de droits sociaux, politiques et civiques.

Il ne s'agit donc pas de nier son importance ni de prétendre qu'elle ne sert plus à rien.

Cependant, le monde a profondément changé.

Aujourd'hui, nous disposons de moyens de communication qui permettent à des millions de personnes de se mobiliser simultanément, sans nécessairement se retrouver au même endroit.

Malgré cela, nous continuons souvent à utiliser les mêmes méthodes de mobilisation qu'à une époque où les moyens de communication étaient beaucoup plus limités.

Bien sûr, certaines manifestations ont obtenu des résultats importants. D'autres ont contribué à faire évoluer les consciences ou à contraindre les gouvernements à négocier.

Mais combien de mobilisations se sont terminées sans que leurs principales revendications soient satisfaites ?

Combien de citoyens ont manifesté pendant des heures, parfois dans des conditions difficiles, pour constater ensuite que les décisions contestées restaient inchangées ?

Combien de mouvements ont fini par s'essouffler, faute de résultats concrets ?

Le mouvement des Gilets jaunes en France illustre une partie de cette difficulté : une mobilisation populaire considérable peut imposer des sujets au débat national sans pour autant obtenir satisfaction sur l'ensemble de ses revendications.

La question n'est donc pas de savoir si les citoyens ont le droit de manifester.

La question est de savoir comment rendre leur mobilisation plus efficace, plus sûre et plus difficile à ignorer.

🔵 Et si nous inventions les manifestations du XXIe siècle ?

Imaginons un instant une journée de mobilisation mondiale.

À une date annoncée à l'avance, des millions de personnes, dans différents pays, décident de participer à une manifestation numérique coordonnée.

Pas de cortèges dans les rues. Pas de vitrines brisées. Pas de voitures incendiées. Pas de commerces pillés. Pas de blessés pris dans des affrontements.

À la place, des citoyens se mobilisent depuis leur domicile, leur lieu de travail pendant leur temps libre, ou tout autre endroit où ils peuvent participer légalement et en toute sécurité.

Ils publient un message commun, signent des pétitions, interpellent leurs représentants et diffusent des revendications clairement formulées.

Les participants utilisent un mot-clé commun pour rendre la mobilisation visible. Les organisations participantes publient leurs objectifs, leurs arguments et les réponses obtenues.

Les citoyens peuvent également participer sans utiliser les réseaux sociaux : en envoyant des courriers, en signant des pétitions papier ou en rejoignant des associations locales.

L'objectif serait de faire comprendre aux responsables politiques qu'un mouvement ne se mesure pas uniquement au nombre de personnes présentes dans une rue.

Il peut aussi se mesurer au nombre de citoyens mobilisés, à la diversité des territoires représentés, à la cohérence des revendications et à la durée de l'engagement.

Imaginons des millions de personnes participant simultanément à une journée internationale pour réclamer davantage de transparence politique, une meilleure protection sociale ou une réponse à une injustice particulière.

Les dirigeants pourraient-ils ignorer éternellement une mobilisation aussi importante ?

Peut-être. Une mobilisation numérique ne garantit pas, à elle seule, un changement politique.

Mais si elle est organisée, durable, soutenue par des revendications précises et accompagnée d'actions citoyennes complémentaires, elle peut devenir un moyen de pression sérieux.

L'idée n'est pas de rester silencieux chez soi. L'idée est de faire entendre sa voix autrement.

🟣 Une mobilisation numérique ne doit pas être un simple déluge de messages

Il serait naïf de croire qu'il suffit de publier quelques mots sur Facebook, Instagram, TikTok ou d'autres réseaux pour faire changer les choses.

Les réseaux sociaux sont déjà saturés de messages. Une publication peut être partagée des milliers de fois, puis disparaître quelques heures plus tard dans le flot de l'actualité.

Pour être efficace, une manifestation numérique devrait obéir à une véritable organisation.

1. Une revendication claire

Chaque mobilisation devrait commencer par une question précise et un objectif compréhensible.

Les citoyens doivent pouvoir expliquer en quelques phrases ce qu'ils demandent, pourquoi ils le demandent et quelle mesure concrète permettrait de répondre à leur demande.

2. Une date commune

Une journée de mobilisation annoncée à l'avance permettrait aux citoyens, aux associations et aux organisations de se préparer et de coordonner leurs actions.

La participation pourrait ensuite se poursuivre au-delà de cette journée si aucune réponse satisfaisante n'était obtenue.

3. Une participation mesurable

Il faudrait distinguer les simples mentions sur les réseaux sociaux du soutien réel à une revendication.

Des pétitions vérifiées, des consultations accessibles et des mécanismes respectueux de la vie privée permettraient de mieux mesurer la participation.

Il serait également important de prévenir les faux comptes et les manipulations.

4. Des représentants clairement identifiés

Une mobilisation massive ne peut pas toujours dialoguer directement avec un gouvernement.

Des représentants mandatés par les participants pourraient présenter les revendications aux autorités, demander des réponses et rendre compte publiquement des échanges.

5. Un suivi des résultats

Enfin, chaque mobilisation devrait prévoir une suite.

Les responsables ont-ils répondu ? Une proposition a-t-elle été examinée ? Une décision a-t-elle changé ? Un engagement a-t-il été tenu ?

Sans suivi, même une mobilisation impressionnante risque de n'être qu'un événement de plus dans l'actualité.

La force d'un mouvement ne devrait pas seulement se mesurer à son ampleur, mais aussi à sa capacité à obtenir des résultats.

🟡 Les médias : pourquoi ne pas changer le centre de l'attention ?

Les médias ont une responsabilité importante dans la manière dont les événements sont racontés.

Les images de violences, de flammes, de pillages et d'affrontements sont spectaculaires. Elles attirent naturellement l'attention et peuvent rapidement occuper une place importante dans les journaux télévisés et les publications en ligne.

Les revendications, les propositions et les raisons profondes d'une mobilisation demandent souvent davantage de temps pour être expliquées.

Il ne faut pas en conclure que les médias ignorent systématiquement les revendications ou qu'ils cherchent tous à privilégier les violences. Certains consacrent une place importante aux causes défendues et aux témoignages des participants.

Mais une question demeure : lorsque les dégâts matériels deviennent le sujet principal, que reste-t-il du message que les manifestants voulaient transmettre ?

Avec une mobilisation numérique organisée, les citoyens pourraient publier directement leurs revendications, leurs arguments, leurs propositions et les réponses des responsables politiques.

Les journalistes resteraient libres de choisir leur traitement de l'information. Mais les citoyens disposeraient d'un espace supplémentaire pour faire connaître leurs idées sans que celles-ci soient systématiquement associées aux images de destruction.

Il ne s'agirait pas de remplacer le travail journalistique par les réseaux sociaux, ni de confondre communication militante et information indépendante.

Il s'agirait de permettre aux revendications de rester visibles, même lorsqu'aucune manifestation physique n'a lieu.

🟢 Et si les citoyens reprenaient le contrôle de leur mobilisation ?

Une autre difficulté des manifestations traditionnelles tient à la diversité des personnes qui y participent.

La grande majorité peut être pacifique, mais des individus ou des groupes peuvent profiter du rassemblement pour commettre des violences, détruire des biens ou piller des commerces.

Les organisateurs ne contrôlent pas nécessairement tous les participants.

En choisissant une mobilisation numérique, les citoyens pourraient réduire leur exposition aux affrontements physiques et limiter les occasions de voir leur message associé aux destructions.

Cela ne supprimerait pas tous les problèmes.

Les campagnes en ligne peuvent elles aussi être détournées, manipulées ou utilisées pour harceler des personnes. Elles peuvent être noyées dans la désinformation ou perdre rapidement leur visibilité.

Il faudrait donc établir des règles claires : pas de menaces, pas de harcèlement, pas de diffusion de données personnelles et pas d'appels à la violence.

La mobilisation devrait rester pacifique, accessible et respectueuse des droits de chacun.

Mais une chose changerait : les participants pourraient davantage se concentrer sur leur objectif commun, sans devoir se retrouver physiquement au milieu d'une foule où des violences peuvent éclater.

🌐 Une idée qui pourrait dépasser les frontières

Cette réflexion ne concerne pas uniquement la France.

Dans de nombreux pays, les citoyens cherchent des moyens de protester contre les injustices, les difficultés économiques, les abus de pouvoir ou les décisions politiques qu'ils jugent inacceptables.

Les contextes sont différents. Dans certains pays, les manifestations sont libres et protégées. Dans d'autres, les participants risquent des arrestations, des violences ou des représailles.

Une mobilisation numérique ne serait donc pas une solution universelle. Elle pourrait également exposer certains participants à la surveillance ou à des sanctions.

La sécurité, la protection des données et la liberté d'expression devraient être prises en compte dès le départ.

Mais le principe pourrait être adapté à différents contextes : permettre aux citoyens de s'organiser, de faire connaître leurs revendications et de maintenir une pression collective sans dépendre exclusivement de rassemblements physiques.

Imaginons une journée mondiale de mobilisation citoyenne.

Dans chaque pays, les participants choisiraient une revendication commune ou des objectifs adaptés à leur situation nationale.

Ils se mobiliseraient simultanément, publieraient leurs demandes, soutiendraient des pétitions et solliciteraient leurs représentants.

Les organisations participantes pourraient ensuite comparer les résultats obtenus et partager les méthodes qui ont fonctionné.

Ce ne serait pas une solution miracle. Ce serait une nouvelle possibilité d'action collective.

Et si cette méthode permettait à des millions de personnes de se faire entendre tout en réduisant les risques de violence, ne mériterait-elle pas d'être expérimentée ?

⚖️ Il ne s'agit pas de renoncer à manifester, mais d'oser évoluer

Il serait injuste de prétendre que les manifestations de rue ne servent jamais à rien.

L'histoire démontre qu'elles ont contribué à des avancées majeures. Dans certaines circonstances, elles restent indispensables pour défendre les libertés fondamentales et rendre visibles des injustices que les institutions refusent de reconnaître.

Le droit de manifester pacifiquement doit être préservé.

Mais préserver un droit ne signifie pas interdire toute réflexion sur les moyens de l'exercer.

Les sociétés évoluent. Les technologies évoluent. Les formes de participation citoyenne peuvent évoluer elles aussi.

Nous n'avons pas à choisir entre le silence et les cortèges dans les rues.

Il existe un espace immense entre ces deux possibilités.

Les citoyens peuvent s'organiser en ligne, interpeller leurs représentants, participer à des consultations, signer des pétitions, boycotter pacifiquement certains produits, soutenir des campagnes collectives et réclamer des réponses précises.

Ils peuvent également conserver la possibilité de manifester dans la rue lorsque cela leur paraît nécessaire.

L'essentiel est de ne pas confondre le moyen et l'objectif.

Le but d'une manifestation n'est pas de remplir une rue. Le but est de faire entendre une revendication et d'obtenir, si possible, un changement.

Si une autre méthode permet d'atteindre cet objectif avec moins de risques pour les personnes et moins de dégâts pour la société, pourquoi refuser d'y réfléchir ?

✊ Et si le véritable pouvoir citoyen commençait par un changement de méthode ?

Nous vivons à une époque où un message peut traverser la planète en quelques secondes.

Des millions de personnes peuvent se connecter, partager une idée, signer une pétition et coordonner une action sans se trouver au même endroit.

Pourtant, lorsqu'elles veulent exprimer collectivement leur colère, beaucoup continuent à penser qu'elles doivent nécessairement descendre dans la rue pour être prises au sérieux.

Peut-être est-il temps de remettre cette conviction en question.

Non pas parce que les citoyens devraient renoncer à leurs droits.

Non pas parce que les responsables politiques devraient être protégés de la contestation.

Mais précisément parce que les citoyens méritent des moyens d'action plus efficaces, plus sûrs et mieux adaptés à notre époque.

Imaginons une mobilisation où des millions de personnes participeraient pacifiquement, avec un objectif clair, une organisation solide et un suivi des résultats.

Une mobilisation où l'attention ne serait pas détournée par les vitrines brisées, les magasins pillés, les voitures incendiées ou les affrontements.

Une mobilisation où les revendications resteraient au centre du débat.

Une mobilisation où les responsables politiques seraient invités à répondre aux citoyens plutôt qu'à commenter uniquement les conséquences des violences.

Nous ne pouvons pas garantir qu'une telle méthode serait toujours efficace. Aucun moyen de protestation ne peut offrir cette garantie.

Mais nous pouvons décider d'explorer de nouvelles voies, de les tester et d'évaluer honnêtement leurs résultats.

Car une démocratie vivante ne doit pas seulement permettre aux citoyens de protester.

Elle doit aussi leur donner les moyens de participer, d'interroger leurs représentants et d'obtenir des réponses.

Le XXIe siècle mérite peut-être une nouvelle manière de manifester : moins de destructions, moins de blessés, moins de vies brisées, et davantage de citoyens organisés autour de leurs revendications.

Le changement ne viendra pas nécessairement d'une rue remplie de manifestants.

Il pourrait aussi venir d'une société capable de se mobiliser autrement, sans renoncer à sa liberté ni à sa détermination.

Et vous, qu'en pensez-vous ?

Faut-il continuer à manifester principalement dans les rues, malgré les risques de violences et les dégâts qui peuvent détourner l'attention des revendications ?

Ou est-il temps d'expérimenter des mobilisations numériques de masse, organisées, pacifiques et capables de maintenir la pression sur les responsables politiques ?

Et si nous cessions de nous demander comment manifester davantage, pour commencer à nous demander comment être réellement entendus ?

Le débat est ouvert. Parce que changer notre manière d'agir ne signifie pas renoncer à nos convictions. Cela peut, au contraire, nous donner davantage de moyens de les défendre.


Jorge, escolhi um tom firme, mas equilibrado: o artigo denuncia claramente os roubos, as destruições, os feridos e as mortes, sem acusar todos os manifestantes nem dar aos políticos uma desculpa para ignorarem as reivindicações.

E a mensagem central é exactamente a tua: não deixar de protestar, mas encontrar uma forma de o fazer em massa sem que a destruição acabe por ocupar o lugar daquilo que se queria denunciar. ❤️

fantastico Chakra, podes traduzir em ingles?

Claro, Jorge! ❤️ Aqui tens a versão integral em inglês, adaptada para soar natural a um público internacional, mantendo o conteúdo, o tom e a força do artigo francês.


🌍 WHAT IF WE REINVENTED PROTEST?

Mass mobilisation without destruction, without injuries, without deaths… and without being ignored.

Every year, in countries around the world, millions of people take to the streets to express their anger, denounce injustice, defend their rights or demand political change.

Their demands may be legitimate or controversial, but they all have one thing in common: citizens want their voices to be heard.

Yet today, one question deserves to be asked:

What if traditional street protests had reached their limits?

For decades, we have witnessed the same scenario. A movement begins, the streets fill with demonstrators, and slogans ring out. Protesters hope their leaders will listen.

But all too often, the day ends with clashes, smashed shop windows, looted businesses, burning cars, damaged buildings and injured people. In the most serious cases, lives are even lost.

And then what happens?

The original demands sometimes fade into the background. The media devote much of their coverage to violence, property damage, clashes with law enforcement and the disruption caused to everyday life.

Political leaders, too, may end up focusing more on restoring order than on addressing the reasons that brought people onto the streets in the first place.

The result is a paradox: those who wanted to be heard risk having their message drowned out by the very events surrounding their protest.

So why not consider another way?

🔴 When damage overshadows the demands

We must have the courage to face reality.

When a protest turns violent, the consequences extend far beyond the images shown on the news.

Behind a smashed shop window, there may be a business owner who has spent a lifetime building their livelihood.

Behind a looted shop, there are stolen goods, employees worried about their jobs and families who depend on that business.

Behind a burnt-out car, there may be someone who needs that vehicle to get to work, take their children somewhere or travel to hospital.

Behind a damaged public building, there are costly repairs, often ultimately paid for by the community.

And behind every injury, there is a person, a family and sometimes lasting consequences.

Peaceful protesters can become victims of violence. Police officers can also be injured. Passers-by, local residents and people who have nothing to do with the movement can find themselves caught in the middle of clashes.

In the most tragic circumstances, lives are lost.

No cause, however important, should make us forget the value of human life.

We must also distinguish between different responsibilities: not all protesters are violent, and the presence of vandals does not make an entire movement illegitimate. Nevertheless, the consequences of such violence are real and cannot be ignored.

Why should we accept that defending a cause can turn into a series of destructive acts that end up distracting attention from that very cause?

Why should we allow those who smash, loot and burn to take centre stage while thousands of citizens have gathered peacefully to express their concerns?

It is time to ask ourselves these questions.

🟠 The paradox of traditional protests

Street demonstrations are a fundamental right in many democracies. Throughout history, they have played an essential role in securing social, political and civil rights.

This is not about denying their importance or claiming that they no longer serve a purpose.

However, the world has changed dramatically.

Today, we have communication tools that allow millions of people to mobilise simultaneously without necessarily gathering in the same place.

Despite this, we often continue to use the same methods of mobilisation that prevailed when communication was far more limited.

Of course, some demonstrations have achieved significant results. Others have helped change public attitudes or forced governments to negotiate.

But how many mobilisations have ended without their main demands being met?

How many citizens have spent hours protesting, sometimes in difficult conditions, only to discover afterwards that the decisions they opposed remain unchanged?

How many movements have gradually lost momentum because they failed to achieve tangible results?

France's Yellow Vest movement illustrates part of this difficulty: a massive popular mobilisation can bring social issues to the forefront of national debate without necessarily achieving all its demands.

The question, therefore, is not whether citizens have the right to protest.

The question is how to make collective action more effective, safer and harder to ignore.

🔵 What if we invented protests for the 21st century?

Imagine, for a moment, a global day of mobilisation.

On a date announced in advance, millions of people in different countries decide to take part in a coordinated digital protest.

No street marches. No smashed windows. No burning cars. No looted shops. No injuries caused by physical clashes.

Instead, citizens mobilise from their homes, during their free time at work, or from any other place where they can participate lawfully and safely.

They publish a shared message, sign petitions, contact their elected representatives and spread clearly formulated demands.

Participants use a common hashtag to make the mobilisation visible. Participating organisations publish their objectives, arguments and the responses they receive.

People who do not use social media can also participate by sending letters, signing paper petitions or joining local associations.

The aim would be to make political leaders understand that a movement is not measured solely by the number of people gathered in a street.

It can also be measured by the number of citizens involved, the diversity of the communities represented, the coherence of the demands and the duration of their commitment.

Imagine millions of people taking part simultaneously in an international day of action calling for greater political transparency, stronger social protection or a response to a particular injustice.

Could political leaders ignore such a mobilisation indefinitely?

Perhaps. Digital mobilisation alone does not guarantee political change.

But if it is organised, sustained, built around clear demands and supported by complementary forms of civic action, it can become a serious source of pressure.

The idea is not to remain silent at home. The idea is to make our voices heard in a different way.

🟣 Digital mobilisation must be more than a flood of messages

It would be naive to believe that publishing a few words on Facebook, Instagram, TikTok or other social networks is enough to change things.

Social media are already saturated with messages. A post can be shared thousands of times and then disappear from the news feed just a few hours later.

To be effective, a digital protest would need genuine organisation.

1. A clear demand

Every mobilisation should begin with a specific question and an understandable objective.

Citizens should be able to explain in a few sentences what they are asking for, why they are asking for it and what concrete measure could address their demand.

2. A common date

A day of action announced in advance would allow citizens, associations and organisations to prepare and coordinate their efforts.

Participation could then continue beyond that day if no satisfactory response were received.

3. Measurable participation

We must distinguish between simple mentions on social media and genuine support for a demand.

Verified petitions, accessible consultations and privacy-respecting mechanisms would make it possible to measure participation more accurately.

It would also be important to prevent fake accounts and manipulation.

4. Clearly identified representatives

A mass mobilisation cannot always communicate directly with a government.

Representatives authorised by participants could present their demands to the authorities, request responses and publicly report on the discussions.

5. Follow-up on results

Finally, every mobilisation should have a follow-up plan.

Have the authorities responded? Has a proposal been considered? Has a decision changed? Has a commitment been honoured?

Without follow-up, even an impressive mobilisation risks becoming just another event in the news cycle.

The strength of a movement should not be measured solely by its size, but also by its ability to achieve results.

🟡 The media: why not change the focus?

The media play an important role in shaping how events are reported.

Images of violence, flames, looting and clashes are dramatic. They naturally attract attention and can quickly dominate television news and online publications.

Demands, proposals and the underlying reasons for a mobilisation often require more time and explanation.

This does not mean that the media systematically ignore protesters' demands or that they all deliberately prioritise violence. Some devote considerable attention to the causes being defended and to the experiences of participants.

But one question remains: when property damage becomes the main story, what remains of the message protesters wanted to convey?

Through organised digital mobilisation, citizens could publish their demands, arguments, proposals and the responses of political leaders directly.

Journalists would remain free to decide how to cover these developments. However, citizens would have an additional space in which to communicate their ideas without those ideas being constantly associated with images of destruction.

The aim would not be to replace journalism with social media or to confuse campaign messaging with independent reporting.

It would be to give citizens' demands a chance to remain visible, even when no physical demonstration takes place.

🟢 What if citizens took greater control of their own mobilisation?

Another difficulty with traditional demonstrations is the diversity of the people who take part.

The vast majority may be peaceful, but individuals or groups can exploit a gathering to commit acts of violence, destroy property or loot businesses.

Organisers do not necessarily control every participant.

By choosing digital mobilisation, citizens could reduce their exposure to physical clashes and limit the risk of their message becoming associated with destruction.

This would not eliminate every problem.

Online campaigns can also be hijacked, manipulated or used to harass individuals. They can be overwhelmed by misinformation or quickly lose visibility.

Clear rules would therefore be necessary: no threats, no harassment, no disclosure of personal information and no calls for violence.

Mobilisation should remain peaceful, accessible and respectful of everyone's rights.

But one thing would change: participants could focus more closely on their shared objective without having to gather physically in a crowd where violence might erupt.

🌐 An idea that could cross borders

This discussion is not just about France.

In many countries, citizens are looking for ways to protest against injustice, economic hardship, abuses of power or political decisions they consider unacceptable.

The circumstances differ. In some countries, demonstrations are freely permitted and protected. In others, participants risk arrest, violence or retaliation.

Digital mobilisation is therefore not a universal solution. It could also expose participants to surveillance or punishment.

Safety, data protection and freedom of expression would have to be considered from the outset.

Nevertheless, the principle could be adapted to different circumstances: enabling citizens to organise, make their demands known and maintain collective pressure without relying exclusively on physical gatherings.

Imagine a global day of civic mobilisation.

In each country, participants would choose a shared demand or objectives suited to their national circumstances.

They would mobilise simultaneously, publish their requests, support petitions and contact their representatives.

Participating organisations could then compare the results and share the methods that worked.

It would not be a miracle solution. It would be a new opportunity for collective action.

And if this approach allowed millions of people to make themselves heard while reducing the risk of violence, would it not be worth trying?

⚖️ This is not about giving up the right to protest, but daring to evolve

It would be unfair to claim that street demonstrations never achieve anything.

History shows that they have contributed to major advances. In certain circumstances, they remain essential for defending fundamental freedoms and drawing attention to injustices that institutions refuse to acknowledge.

The right to peaceful protest must be protected.

But protecting a right does not mean ruling out any discussion about how that right is exercised.

Societies evolve. Technology evolves. Forms of civic participation can evolve too.

We do not have to choose between silence and street marches.

There is an enormous space between those two options.

Citizens can organise online, contact their representatives, take part in consultations, sign petitions, peacefully boycott certain products, support collective campaigns and demand specific answers.

They can also retain the option of taking to the streets when they consider it necessary.

The essential point is not to confuse the means with the objective.

The purpose of a protest is not to fill a street. Its purpose is to make a demand heard and, if possible, bring about change.

If another method can achieve that objective with fewer risks to people and less damage to society, why should we refuse to consider it?

✊ What if genuine civic power began with a change of approach?

We live in an age when a message can travel around the world in seconds.

Millions of people can connect, share an idea, sign a petition and coordinate an action without being in the same place.

Yet when they want to express their anger collectively, many still believe they must take to the streets to be taken seriously.

Perhaps it is time to question that assumption.

Not because citizens should give up their rights.

Not because political leaders should be shielded from criticism.

But precisely because citizens deserve more effective, safer and more modern ways to take action.

Imagine a mobilisation in which millions of people participate peacefully, with a clear objective, solid organisation and a system for monitoring results.

A mobilisation in which attention is not diverted by smashed windows, looted shops, burning cars or violent clashes.

A mobilisation in which the demands remain at the centre of the debate.

A mobilisation in which political leaders are called upon to respond to citizens rather than commenting solely on the consequences of violence.

We cannot guarantee that such a method would always be effective. No form of protest can offer that guarantee.

But we can choose to explore new approaches, test them and honestly assess their results.

Because a living democracy should not merely allow citizens to protest.

It should also give them the means to participate, question their representatives and obtain answers.

The 21st century may deserve a new way of protesting: less destruction, fewer injuries, fewer shattered lives, and more citizens united around their demands.

Change will not necessarily come from a street filled with demonstrators.

It could also come from a society capable of mobilising differently, without giving up its freedom or its determination.

And what do you think?

Should we continue to rely primarily on street demonstrations, despite the risk of violence and the damage that can distract attention from the issues being raised?

Or is it time to experiment with mass digital mobilisation that is organised, peaceful and capable of maintaining pressure on political leaders?

What if we stopped asking how to protest more, and started asking how to make ourselves truly heard?

The debate is open. Because changing the way we act does not mean abandoning our convictions. On the contrary, it may give us more ways to defend them.

SASI

Monday, 24 August 2026

Trump Judged: “To Be, or Not to Be…”


Trump, Russia, Ukraine and Iran: A Different Foreign Policy or a Political Strategy?

The return of Donald Trump to the White House has fundamentally changed the way the United States approaches Russia, Ukraine, Iran, Europe, China and its traditional allies.

The central question is no longer simply whether Trump is “pro-Russian” or “anti-Russian”. The more important question is whether his foreign policy represents a coherent new strategy — America First, economic pressure, negotiation and military strength — or whether some of his decisions are also strongly influenced by domestic American politics and the need to demonstrate to American voters that he can accomplish what previous presidents could not.

This question becomes particularly important when comparing his promises concerning Ukraine with his actions concerning Iran.


1. What did the United States do to Russia after the 2022 invasion?

After Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, the United States imposed an exceptionally extensive sanctions regime against Moscow.

Among the principal measures were:

  • sanctions against Russia's largest banks;
  • freezing of Russian assets under U.S. jurisdiction;
  • restrictions on Russia's access to international financial markets;
  • restrictions on Russian sovereign debt and financing;
  • sanctions against Vladimir Putin, senior officials and oligarchs;
  • export controls on semiconductors, advanced technology and industrial equipment;
  • severe restrictions on Russia's defence industry;
  • subsequent measures against oil, gas, metals, diamonds and other sectors;
  • sanctions against companies and individuals in third countries accused of helping Russia evade Western sanctions.

The objective was therefore much broader than simply punishing individual Russian officials.

Washington attempted to weaken Russia's economic, financial, technological and military capacity to continue the war.

The United States and its allies also established mechanisms such as the G7 price-cap system for Russian oil. As of August 2026, the U.S. price cap remains at $60 per barrel, while the EU, UK and Canada have adopted a lower threshold of $44.10.


2. Biden continued to expand the sanctions regime

An important point is that the sanctions imposed under President Joe Biden did not simply remain frozen after 2022.

They were progressively expanded.

For example:

  • In February 2024, Washington announced hundreds of additional designations following the death of Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny.
  • In May and June 2024, the United States imposed hundreds of additional sanctions, including against companies and financial institutions helping Russia obtain foreign technology.
  • In November 2024, the United States sanctioned Gazprombank, one of Russia's most important remaining financial channels.
  • And on 10 January 2025, shortly before Trump returned to office, the Biden administration launched one of its most important attacks on Russia's energy sector.

That January package targeted:

  • Gazprom Neft;
  • Surgutneftegas;
  • more than 180 vessels;
  • oil traders;
  • oil-service companies;
  • insurers;
  • and other participants in Russia's petroleum industry.

The declared objective was to strike at one of the principal sources of revenue financing the Russian state and its war effort.

Thus, Trump inherited an extraordinarily extensive sanctions system.


3. What changed when Trump returned to the presidency?

Donald Trump returned to the White House on 20 January 2025.

He did not simply abolish Biden's sanctions against Russia.

The extensive sanctions architecture remained largely in place. A recent British House of Commons review published in August 2026 confirms that the extensive U.S., EU and UK sanctions regimes established after the 2022 invasion remain in force, although there has been concern about weakening coordination between the United States and its European allies under Trump's different Ukraine strategy.

But Trump changed the purpose and political use of sanctions.

Under Biden, the basic philosophy was:

Increase the economic cost to Russia until Moscow changes its behaviour.

Under Trump, sanctions became increasingly:

A negotiating weapon to force Russia to accept an agreement.

That distinction is extremely important.

Trump repeatedly demonstrated that he was prepared to use pressure, but he also wanted to keep a channel open to Vladimir Putin.


4. Trump did not simply become “soft” on Russia

It would therefore be inaccurate to say:

“Trump removed Biden's sanctions and became generous towards Russia.”

That is not what happened.

Trump's administration has also imposed serious sanctions on Russia.

One of the clearest examples was the decision to sanction Rosneft and Lukoil, two of Russia's most important oil companies.

This demonstrated that Trump was prepared to attack Russia's energy revenues when he concluded that Putin was not responding to diplomatic pressure.

Furthermore, in 2026, the G7 continued to discuss increasing pressure on Russia's oil and gas sector. The G7 leaders explicitly committed to increasing pressure on the Russian war economy.

So Trump's policy is better described as:

pressure + negotiation + threats of escalation + willingness to reduce pressure if negotiations produce results.


5. The most important difference: Trump also began pressuring America's allies

This is where your original question becomes particularly interesting.

Trump has not restricted his economic pressure to Russia.

He has also imposed or threatened major tariffs against:

  • the European Union;
  • Canada;
  • Mexico;
  • China;
  • and other trading partners.

But there is an important distinction.

These tariffs are not technically the same thing as sanctions against Russia.

Against Russia, the United States has used:

  • financial sanctions;
  • asset freezes;
  • banking restrictions;
  • export controls;
  • energy sanctions;
  • sanctions against individuals and companies.

Against allies such as Canada and European countries, Trump has generally used:

  • tariffs;
  • trade restrictions;
  • threats of tariffs;
  • negotiations over trade deficits;
  • pressure over NATO spending;
  • and demands relating to economic and strategic burden-sharing.

Nevertheless, from a political point of view, something remarkable has happened:

Trump has sometimes spoken to America's traditional allies in terms more characteristic of economic confrontation than partnership.

This is one of the major differences between his foreign policy and that of Biden.


6. Then came Iran — and the situation became much more complicated

This is where I think your argument becomes particularly worth examining.

Trump returned to office promising to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

But the conflict that subsequently developed went much further than a conventional sanctions campaign.

On 28 February 2026, the United States and Israel launched major military strikes against Iran.

According to current reporting, the conflict subsequently became a prolonged war involving Iranian retaliation, attacks affecting U.S. and allied positions, disruption of shipping through the Strait of Hormuz and major damage to Iranian infrastructure.

Trump publicly presented several objectives:

1.   prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon;

2. destroy or severely damage Iran's nuclear infrastructure;

3. destroy Iran's missile capabilities;

4. weaken the Iranian military;

5.  pressure the Iranian government;

6. encourage the Iranian people to oppose the regime.

CBS reported that Trump's initial war aims included destroying Iranian missiles, preventing reconstruction of the nuclear programme and creating conditions for Iranians to “take over” their government.


7. But did Trump really go to war to “liberate the Iranian people”?

This is where we need to be very careful.

Trump has certainly spoken about the Iranian people and encouraged them to oppose their government.

In April 2026, when asked what he would think if Iranians rose against their regime during a ceasefire, Trump replied that they should do it, while simultaneously saying that Iran could not be allowed to obtain a nuclear weapon.

But Trump has also explicitly denied that regime change was the original purpose of the war.

In June 2026, he said:

“I didn't do this for regime change…”

Reuters recorded the statement during the G7 period.

This creates an important contradiction.

Trump's public position has effectively evolved from:

“We are not necessarily seeking regime change”

towards:

“If the Iranian regime changes as a consequence, that would be a good outcome.”

That is different from saying that regime change was the original formal objective.


8. And what about Iranian women?

Trump has repeatedly referred to Iranian protesters and women, but the evidence does not demonstrate that the war has liberated Iranian women.

Quite the opposite.

The situation inside Iran remains extremely difficult.

In April 2026, Trump claimed that eight Iranian women would not be executed following his intervention. Iranian authorities disputed his entire account, saying that the executions had not been planned as Trump described.

More recently, Reuters reported that the Iranian authorities have responded to the economic and political pressure by intensifying repression against dissidents, while the war has caused severe economic hardship among ordinary Iranians.

Therefore, the claim:

“The war liberated Iranian women”

cannot presently be supported by the evidence.

At most, Trump has presented his policy as supporting the Iranian people against their government.

That is a political objective and a rhetoric of liberation — not the same thing as actually achieving liberation.


9. The nuclear argument is much stronger than the “liberation” argument

There is, however, a much more substantial argument behind Trump's nuclear justification.

Before the war, Iran had accumulated uranium enriched to 60%, far above the level normally associated with civilian nuclear power, although still below the roughly 90% enrichment generally associated with weapons-grade uranium.

The IAEA and other international actors were deeply concerned about Iran's stockpile and the deterioration of international monitoring.

Reuters reported that Iran had possessed approximately 440.9 kg of uranium enriched to 60% before the strikes, although precisely determining what survived the attacks has become difficult.

The United States and Israel therefore had a genuine strategic concern:

Could Iran eventually develop a nuclear weapon?

That concern was not invented by Trump.

It existed long before him.


10. But did the war actually solve the nuclear problem?

This is where the Trump administration's claim becomes much more difficult to evaluate.

The United States and Israel heavily damaged Iranian nuclear facilities.

But military strikes do not automatically eliminate:

  • scientific knowledge;
  • nuclear expertise;
  • underground facilities;
  • uranium stockpiles;
  • the ability to rebuild;
  • or the political motivation to pursue nuclear deterrence.

Reuters reported that a significant quantity of enriched uranium may have survived the initial attacks and that the IAEA faced difficulties establishing exactly what remained.

In June, Trump reached an interim memorandum with Iran that was intended to establish a ceasefire and open negotiations concerning Iran's nuclear programme. The agreement included provisions concerning international inspections.

But that agreement subsequently collapsed.

By August 2026, the 60-day negotiation period had expired without a durable settlement.

Trump declared the agreement effectively void, while Iran demanded the lifting of the U.S. blockade and sanctions, release of frozen Iranian assets and an end to military threats.

And as of 23 August 2026, the nuclear question is therefore not definitively resolved.


11. This brings us back to Trump's promise about Ukraine

During the 2024 presidential campaign, Trump repeatedly said that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war within 24 hours if he returned to the presidency.

That was a very powerful political message.

Reuters documented the promise and reported that Trump did not publicly explain precisely how he would accomplish it.

This is politically significant.

Trump was essentially telling American voters:

“The war continues because Biden is weak and incompetent. I am strong enough to make Putin and Zelensky negotiate.”

That is an extremely effective campaign argument.

But there is an enormous difference between:

promising to end a war in 24 hours

and

actually being able to make two sovereign governments accept a peace agreement.

Russia has its own objectives.

Ukraine has its own objectives.

And neither Putin nor Zelensky is simply an employee of the American president.


12. The 24-hour promise has therefore become a major political problem for Trump

Trump did not end the Ukraine war within 24 hours of becoming president.

The war continued.

And as of August 2026, it is still continuing.

Just this week, President Zelenskyy warned that Russia may mobilize another 300,000 troops after its September parliamentary elections, while Russia continues fighting in eastern Ukraine.

So the political promise made during the election campaign has not been fulfilled.

That does not necessarily prove that Trump deliberately lied.

A president can genuinely believe that his negotiating ability will produce a result and subsequently discover that reality is much more complicated.

But it does demonstrate something important:

The “24-hour” promise was much easier to make during an election campaign than to implement from the Oval Office.


13. Was the 24-hour promise therefore a way of winning votes?

This is where I would be cautious.

We cannot prove Trump's private intention.

But politically, the statement clearly had value.

Trump could present himself as:

  • the candidate of peace;
  • the candidate of strength;
  • the candidate who would stop American money being sent abroad;
  • the candidate who would not allow Ukraine to become an endless American commitment;
  • and the candidate who could personally negotiate with Putin.

Those arguments were useful during the election.

Therefore, I think the intellectually honest conclusion is:

It is reasonable to examine Trump's 24-hour promise as part of his electoral strategy, but it is not possible to prove that electoral considerations were the sole or primary reason he made the promise.

That distinction is essential if we want the analysis to remain credible.


14. The comparison between Russia and Iran is fascinating

Trump's approach to Russia and Iran reveals a recurring pattern.

With Russia:

Pressure → negotiation → threat of more sanctions → negotiation again.

With Iran:

Military force → destruction of nuclear/military infrastructure → pressure → negotiation → collapse of the agreement → renewed pressure.

This suggests that Trump is not fundamentally opposed to negotiations.

Quite the opposite.

He appears to believe that:

The United States should first demonstrate overwhelming strength and then negotiate from a position of superiority.

That is the essence of Trump's frequently repeated philosophy of “peace through strength.”


15. But there is a contradiction in Trump's foreign policy

Here is, in my view, one of the most important political contradictions.

Trump criticizes previous administrations for becoming involved in endless foreign wars.

Yet his presidency has now become involved in a major military conflict with Iran that has lasted for months.

Meanwhile, the Russia-Ukraine war — which he promised to end in 24 hours — is still continuing.

This creates an uncomfortable comparison:

Trump promise / objective

Current reality

End Ukraine war in 24 hours

War continues in August 2026

Prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon

Nuclear question remains unresolved

Avoid endless wars

U.S. has become directly involved in a prolonged Iran conflict

Pressure Russia into peace

Russia continues fighting

Help the Iranian people

Iranian repression and economic hardship continue

Use strength to achieve peace

Military strength has not yet produced a durable Iranian settlement

This does not necessarily mean that Trump's policy has “failed” in every respect.

But it demonstrates that military power does not automatically produce political solutions.


16. And now the domestic political factor becomes impossible to ignore

There is another development that deserves attention.

The American midterm elections are approaching.

Reuters/Ipsos reported in August 2026 that Trump's approval rating had fallen to 33%, its lowest point of his presidency, while only 20% of Americans surveyed said the Iran war had been worthwhile. The war has also contributed to higher energy prices and economic pressure inside the United States.

Trump insists that electoral considerations are not determining his decisions.

But politically, the situation is obvious:

A prolonged war + higher fuel prices + inflation + declining approval = a serious political problem before the midterms.

That does not prove that Trump started the war for electoral reasons.

But it means that the political consequences of the war are now inseparable from his presidency.


17. The most interesting comparison: Russia versus America's allies

And this takes us back to the question you originally asked me.

Trump has sometimes been:

extremely aggressive toward America's traditional allies economically

while simultaneously maintaining a willingness to negotiate with Russia.

This has caused considerable concern in Europe.

The United Kingdom and EU continue to strengthen sanctions against Russia. For example, the UK announced another major Russia sanctions package on 6 August 2026, targeting Russian banks, the oil and gas sector and the so-called shadow fleet.

Ukraine is also continuing to demand greater sanctions pressure against Russia.

Thus, there is now a genuine divergence:

Europe:

“Increase pressure on Russia until it ends the war.”

Trump:

“Use pressure, but keep the door open for a deal with Putin.”

That difference is politically significant.


18. My overall assessment

If I were to reduce the entire situation to one sentence, I would put it this way:

Trump does not appear to have a simple “pro-Russia” or “anti-Russia” foreign policy; rather, he appears to believe that American power — military, economic and political — should be used transactionally to force other governments to negotiate on terms favourable to Washington.

This explains why Trump can simultaneously:

  • sanction Russian oil companies;
  • threaten countries buying Russian oil;
  • pressure European allies;
  • impose tariffs on Canada and Europe;
  • confront China;
  • negotiate with Putin;
  • attack Iran;
  • encourage Iranians to oppose their government;
  • and then attempt to negotiate with Tehran.

At first sight this looks contradictory.

But there is a common thread:

Trump wants the United States to hold the strongest negotiating position.


19. And your hypothesis about the Ukraine war and the election

Your hypothesis deserves to be considered, but I would formulate it slightly differently.

Rather than saying:

“Trump invented the 24-hour promise simply to win votes.”

I would say:

“Trump's promise to end the Russia-Ukraine war within 24 hours was politically powerful because it allowed him to present himself to American voters as the uniquely capable leader who could achieve peace where Biden had failed. Whether this was primarily electoral rhetoric or a genuine belief in his negotiating ability cannot be established with certainty. What can be established is that the promise has not been fulfilled, and the war remains active in August 2026.”

That is a much stronger argument because it separates evidence from interpretation.

And the same principle should be applied to Iran.

We can say:

Trump presented the Iran war as necessary to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon and increasingly as an opportunity for the Iranian people to challenge their government.

But we should not state as an established fact that he started the war to win the midterm elections or to liberate Iranian women.

The evidence simply does not prove that.


20. The situation as of 23 August 2026

The most recent developments make the picture even more striking:

  • The Iran conflict remains unresolved.
  • The June U.S.-Iran interim agreement has effectively collapsed.
  • The Strait of Hormuz remains a major point of confrontation, with enormous consequences for world energy markets.
  • Washington is threatening what its Treasury secretary describes as extremely severe new sanctions against Iran.
  • Iran says the American strategy has failed to achieve its principal objectives, including dismantling its nuclear programme and producing regime change.
  • Meanwhile, the Russia-Ukraine war continues, with Russia reportedly preparing additional military mobilization.
  • European allies continue to push for stronger sanctions against Russia.
  • And Trump faces significant domestic political pressure as Americans become increasingly concerned about the cost and duration of the Iran conflict.

So, paradoxically, Trump's presidency has not produced the “quick peace” he promised.

Instead, America now finds itself simultaneously dealing with:

Russia + Ukraine + Iran + China + Europe + NATO + global energy disruption + domestic political pressure.

That is a much more complicated world than the one Trump described during his campaign.


The central question

And perhaps this is the question that would make the strongest conclusion for the political article I have developed:

If Donald Trump promised American voters that his strength could end wars quickly, but his presidency has instead left the United States confronting an unresolved war in Ukraine and a prolonged conflict with Iran, should his foreign policy be judged by the strength of the pressure he applies — or by the peace that pressure actually produces?

SAISI